On Nov. 3, 1996, Yevhen Shcherban, a Ukrainian lawmaker, one of the leaders of the newly formed Liberal Party, a top businessman, one of the wealthiest individuals in the country, and a prominent figure among the “Donetsk elite,” was assassinated at Donetsk Airport along with his wife Nadiya.
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The man who dreamed of attracting investment and creating a thriving national business environment was killed by hitmen from Moscow. However, the investigation ended once the killers were identified, but various individuals were later implicated. Shcherban's business empire was inherited by his junior partners, Rinat Akhmetov and Serhiy Taruta, who led the Donetsk business group.
We spoke with Yevhen Shcherban [junior], the son of the slain entrepreneur, who has been conducting his investigation into his father's murder for over 10 years. He reflects on how the fate of Donbas might have unfolded differently if his father had survived.
You mentioned you’ve discovered new details about the investigation into your father’s murder.
Of course, I’ve been investigating it for 11 years. But naturally, I can’t share everything. My father was both a major businessman and a politician.
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Theories don’t just coexist - they complement each other
The motive for the murder has never been definitively established?
It could have been about seizing his vast business empire, but it might also have been about eliminating a political competitor. My father was a man with pro-Ukrainian ideals who was deeply sympathetic to Ukraine. From studying family archives, I’ve come to realize that there aren’t many other plausible options. Beyond the official account, there are theories involving Russian, Donetsk, or Kyiv [metropolitan] interests. These theories don’t just coexist - they complement each other. Despite resistance from the authorities, I will continue my investigation.
Internal political factors?
They undoubtedly played a role. My father, as you know, was the “gray cardinal” of the Liberal Party. The party had significant ambitions in the upcoming presidential elections. It was progressive, garnering considerable support in regions like Odesa, Donetsk, and elsewhere. My father was the driving force behind it. This stance conflicted with what we now understand to be Russia’s long-term plans to re-establish the USSR. Russia no longer hides this. Ukraine was supposed to be a key member of that new union.
What have you learned about the murder?
Unfortunately, I can’t disclose everything. Here’s one incident: the day of the murder was crucial. My father had a junior partner responsible for security. That day, my father called him before leaving Moscow. He instructed him to prepare the security team, as he planned to leave for a few days - first to Crimea, then to America. From their conversation, it was clear the situation was tense, and my father was arranging additional security measures.
Normally, at the airport, this partner would meet my father alongside other managers and assistants. But on Nov. 3, he reportedly forgot his phone at home.
If they had been there, it could have complicated or even prevented the killers’ plans.
So, he didn’t come to the airport with the security team?
Exactly. He supposedly went back to retrieve it. As you can imagine, if they had been there, it could have complicated or even prevented the killers’ plans.
What did he tell you later?
He seemed confused. He later claimed he hadn’t taken the phone at all, saying, “You know how big those phones were - they were cumbersome...”
Is it possible to question this person now?
No, he’s in Donetsk, which is now in occupied territory.
If my father had lived, would the political landscape of Donbas look the same as it does today?
How do you think your father’s murder changed Donbas?
Let’s frame it this way: if my father had lived, would the political landscape of Donbas look the same as it does today? Yevhen Shcherban meant influence - a Liberal Party influence. It’s possible his survival could have led to broader changes in Ukraine, potentially even bringing a more liberal-minded president to power.
You’ve mentioned your father’s ambitious projects for transforming Donbas and Ukraine. Can you elaborate?
Here are some examples: Cargill partnership: Plans were underway to build an oilseed processing plant in the Volnovakha district. Gas station network: In 1997, [when major networks like Ukrnafta and Russian companies dominated – ed]. My father planned to create a nationwide network with foreign investments. Battery factory: This project was being developed by an American investor. DCC project: A $50 million contract with Ericsson was signed. Airport reconstruction: My father envisioned this, years before it was eventually completed 15 years later. He actively worked to attract foreign investment, fundamentally reshaping the Ukrainian market. The Agrodon Corporation, for example, managed to open a $100 million credit line in collaboration with an American company and the regional administration as beneficiaries. Tragically, this corporation was taken over after his murder.
Why was Russian business opposed to these initiatives?
Russian interests were either constrained or faced intense competition. Those operating in the Donetsk region, including agents of influence, were aware of this. While internal competition existed, it didn’t exclude Russia’s role.
Why did his activities face such strong opposition?
These initiatives couldn’t be ignored by forces opposing foreign influence. My father was a staunch advocate of Western investment in Donbas. These forces understood that if his vision progressed, it would become a significant ideological and economic shift, threatening post-communist interests. Stopping something in its infancy is one thing but allowing it to grow is another. My father’s vision for Donbas - a progressive, Western-integrated model - was deeply unwelcome to those entrenched in the status quo.
Your father warned about the dangers of Russian capital. Why?
He once said about Russia: “We have our cinema, they have theirs.” My father had a clear understanding of the differences between Ukrainian and Russian business practices. He even foresaw the potential conflict over Crimea. His insights into the threats facing Ukraine were remarkable, reflecting his deep understanding of geopolitical dynamics.
He had information about Crimea. He was killed after returning from Moscow. Did he go there often? Who did he meet?
I believe one episode stands out. You know who Kobzon was [Iosif Kobzon, the Russian singer and informal mediator between Ukrainian and Russian businessmen – ed]. My father said he flew to meet him. But this trip didn’t make him pro-Russian. On the contrary, I’m convinced it involved discussions on gas supplies or other strategic issues critical to Ukraine.
Your father planned a trip to America before his murder. Why?
It’s well-documented that my father understood the dangers of staying in Donbas. He intended to go to the US for a while, where he felt safer. He was not only pro-Ukrainian but also pro-American.
Did he understand the struggles taking place in Donbas?
Absolutely. Donbas was - and still is - a stronghold of communist ideologies. My father and his team played a significant role in combating these forces, advocating for Ukraine’s independence, and contributing to the adoption of the Constitution.
While Donbas was economically integrated with Ukraine, the political and cultural connections were weaker
How did your father envision Ukraine?
While Donbas was economically integrated with Ukraine, the political and cultural connections were weaker. My father believed in thinking on a national scale. He felt that liberal ideas couldn’t thrive locally - a free economy had to encompass all of Ukraine.
What inspired his passion for liberal ideas?
In my opinion, it stemmed from his experience. When he became an entrepreneur, he felt free. Under communism, even the communists themselves lacked a sense of dignity. This spirit of freedom defined him. He admired entrepreneurship and respected enterprising people. That’s why he was drawn to the US. I remember him walking around New York, saying, “It has its flaws, but I want to live here.” One of his partners recalled how, during a walk, my father stopped and said: “I want Ukraine to be like this.”
Why did his activities face such strong opposition?
These initiatives couldn’t be ignored by forces opposing foreign influence. My father was a staunch advocate of Western investment in Donbas. These forces understood that if his vision progressed, it would become a significant ideological and economic shift, threatening post-communist interests.
Stopping something in its infancy is one thing but allowing it to grow is another. My father’s vision for Donbas - a progressive, Western-integrated model - was deeply unwelcome to those entrenched in the status quo.
The views expressed in this article represent those of the interviewee and are not necessarily those of Kyiv Post.
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