A powerful rally in the center of Tbilisi, drawing tens of thousands protesting against electoral fraud in Georgia, ended almost as quickly as it began. In Ukraine, a tent city would likely have already been set up, a Maidan council assembled, and the protest would have transformed into a protracted revolution.

Meeting in Tbilisi. Photo by Nadim Khmaladze for Kyiv Post

However, opposition leaders in Georgia refused to recognize the election results and enter parliament. Elena Hostaria, leader of the “Droa” party, is one such leader. Kyiv Post spoke with her about why the protest ended quickly and what steps the opposition plans to take to defend the independence of elections, gather evidence of fraud, and push for a second vote.

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Q: Congratulations, and my first question is: Why did the protests stop? Wouldn’t it have been better to make them indefinite? It’s important to understand the role of protests.

Let me start by providing some general context.

It’s obvious that the ruling party, Georgian Dream, is executing a Russian-style special operation, and now it’s clear that true elections don’t exist in this country anymore. Democratic elections as an institution are disappearing here. Russia is attacking the state through Ivanishvili’s influence because a state cannot exist without democratic elections.

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But it’s also clear that most Georgian voters supported opposition parties, as shown by independent exit polls and the scale of fraud that we observed. Right now, the priority is to delegitimize this government, and this involves not only protests but also collecting and systematizing evidence of fraud to reveal the extent and methods used, which resemble Russian tactics.

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Elene Hoshtaria during the meetings. Photo by Hoshtaria's office

We are also working with international partners, who have made it clear they won’t recognize a Venezuelan-style scenario here. And the protests will continue. Yesterday’s demonstration, called by the president, showed that the Georgian people, the president, and the political opposition do not recognize rigged elections.

Q: What will happen if a Belarusian-style scenario unfolds? What if the Parliament begins functioning without you and the other opposition members?  Georgian Dream doesn’t have a quorum (the Georgian Parliament requires 100 members out of 150, while the pro-government party has just over 80 seats), but what if they proceed anyway?  In Belarus, 30 years ago, the opposition refused to enter parliament, which marked the end of both the opposition and Belarusian democracy.

They can convene a parliament and declare themselves in power, but if the people and international community don’t recognize it, it won’t be sustainable. Without legitimacy from citizens and the global community, they cannot truly call themselves the authorities.

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Delegitimizing these “elections” must come before new elections. We’re calling for an international investigation into the fraud, as [there is]no sufficiently independent body within Georgia [that] can be trusted.

Q: Still, what will you do if the Parliament operates? Will you participate in any hearings?

No. Yesterday’s message was clear: the opposition will not participate in this Parliament, as it is not a legitimate institution.

The main [objective] is to prevent it from functioning because it doesn’t represent the will of the people. We serve the interests of the public, who want a parliament reflective of their actual votes, not a fabricated one.

The new parliament should continue toward European integration and Georgia’s alignment with the West. With the current government and stolen elections, Georgia lacks both a Western perspective and a future as an independent state.

Q: But you may not enter parliament at all later…

I don’t entirely agree. Ivanishvili has something to lose, while Lukashenka has nothing left to lose—he’s already isolated, and his power depends on Moscow.

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Ivanishvili, as an oligarch, is sensitive to international sanctions, and his associates want to remain wealthy and influential without sanctions hanging over them. Belarus has taken a path of severe repression, murders, and so forth, while Ivanishvili is engaging in fraud but lacks the resources for widespread violence.

In Georgia, the majority of citizens see the country as European, which also influences the situation.

Q: What are the most common forms of fraud that you’ve observed?

There were many, but two primary systemic methods stood out.

First, they used ID cards from diaspora members, of which there are many, multiple times, resulting in up to 200,000 additional votes through these “carousel” tactics.

Additionally, it was evident from widely circulated videos that they tampered with ballot materials and pens, making it possible to see who one voted for, which violates voter privacy and pressures the voter.

I won’t even go into bribery and other tactics. The main issue was the “electronic carousel.” This manipulation is why their “results” are so different from those shown in international exit polls.

Q: How do you coordinate with other opposition parties? During both Maidans in Ukraine [2004 and 2013-2014], opposition parties had a governing super-party body and shared responsibilities to avoid conflict.

We have four parties in the coalition, and several other opposition parties have also crossed the threshold. We coordinated effectively even before the elections, as we anticipated how they would turn out.

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We have a clear list of goals and shared responsibility for achieving them. We now have clean and comprehensive coordination.

Q: Do you have any allies among officials or security forces? Some institutions in Georgia, like the police, had previously undergone significant reforms…

Unfortunately, no institution other than the president is free from oligarchic influence.

However, many individuals working within these institutions are not pro-Russian and don’t support the regime, something the regime knows well. Some are intimidated, while others remain quiet to avoid jeopardizing their careers.

Exit polls show the regime lacks support among civil servants. Though 12 years wasn’t enough to completely reverse previous reforms, it was enough to capture power.

Q: What will it mean for Georgia and the West if the rigged elections are acknowledged or overlooked?

This is a geopolitical issue. If Russia succeeds here now, if we can’t reverse this “result” and restore the people’s will, it will strengthen Russia’s regional influence, which is problematic for Europe.

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Georgia is not only a transportation hub of great interest to Europe but also a key route for Russia to evade sanctions. That’s why Russia is fighting so hard for influence here.

If this fraud goes unpunished, Russia will use these same tactics in other countries, threatening security in the region. We must prevent this spread.

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