We must not forget why NATO was formed in 1949 — in order to prevent the expansion of the Stalinist USSR to the West, European Parliament member Rasa Jukneviciene reminded us on Feb. 9. Together with U.S. Rep. Gerry Connolly (Democrat-Virginia), member of the French Parliament Philippe Michel-Kleisbauer, Ukrainian member of parliament Yegor Cherniev, Jukneviciene took part in our panel discussion “Ukraine-NATO: Vision 2030.”
The date for this debate was picked not accidentally. It marked the second anniversary of a historic event: two years ago Ukraine made its geopolitical choice quite clear by setting in the Constitution a strategic goal to achieve European Union and NATO membership.
Those who doubt Ukraine’s future is in NATO should recall Jukneviciene’s remarks. While 70 years have passed since 1949, Vladimir Putin’s Russia scrupulously follows Joseph Stalin’s master plan. For decades, the Kremlin prevented Ukraine’s move towards NATO by aggressive anti-NATO brainwashing of Ukrainian citizens. They’ve been especially actively targeting Russian propaganda to Ukrainians living in the eastern and southern regions of the country, depicting NATO as an evil alliance aimed at dragging Ukraine into war. Russia was simultaneously convincing NATO member states that the doors of the alliance should be closed for us.
Putin’s ambition is to establish a truly Eurasian empire and Ukraine is pivotal for him in achieving this. He already drew his lessons from the experience with the Baltic states. However, Putin’s influence in the region is getting fragile. Even what was considered as a defined Russian sphere of influence is falling apart today. As Jukneviciene wisely mentioned: We see that Belarus is no longer a guaranteed member of the Kremlin alliance. Therefore, in order to have peace in Europe, we must support the nations that are striving for democracy and freedom.
Ukraine’s modern fight for democracy and freedom started in 2014 after a peaceful revolution ousted Kremlin-backed President Viktor Yanukovych. Putin went as far in his desire to stop Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration as to militarily occupy the Crimea and wage a war in Donbas. Simultaneously, Putin was using Ukraine’s institutional vulnerabilities, attempting to destroy the post-EuroMaidan Revolution democratic transformation.
In 2021, Russian aggression has not vanished. On the contrary, new worrying signals appear, like forwarding militarization of the Crimean peninsula or an announcement by the chief editor of the propaganda horn RT that Russia must further annex eastern Ukraine.
“We have made very clear we will never accept Russia’s forcible and illegal annexation of Crimea and we will continue to condemn its active destabilization of eastern Ukraine, the daily violations of the ceasefire, and ongoing human rights violations in illegally occupied territories, said Connolly, who has recently re-introduced in the U.S. Congress the Crimea Annexation Non-Recognition Act.
However, Putin’s growing threat is not the only challenge NATO is facing today. Among other threats, Connolly named Chinese expansion, terrorism, and climate crisis. The alliance needs to adapt to respond to these challenges more effectively. And without exaggeration, Joe Biden’s presidency opens up a new chapter of transatlantic relations, which should also pave the way for reforming NATO, and possibly a revision of the NATO strategic concept too.
“Today is the right time to speak about the status of transatlantic relations as such. It is not only about Ukraine, but it is also important for countries like Georgia, like Ukraine and the whole region,” said Jukneviciene.
We are convinced that one of the steps on the way of reforming NATO should be opening the alliance’s doors to Ukraine and Georgia. Both countries, whose territories are occupied by Russia, deserve a chance to receive the NATO membership perspective within the next few years. We believe that granting the membership action plan will send a strong geopolitical signal to Russia that NATO members are supporting Ukraine’s and Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Furthermore, it will also serve as a tool for internal advocacy to continue strengthening defense and security potential of our countries and promoting their further democratic transformation.
It is fair to say that on our way to NATO, Ukraine must do internal reforms. Connolly called on Ukrainians to progress in fighting corruption, strengthening the rule of law, democratic control of security services, reforming the economy. Obviously, this has to be done for Ukraine’s prosperity, but also because it is the best defense against Russia’s interference and your best response to Russia’s authoritarianism. The bill on one of the reforms, which is of top priority for NATO and the EU in Ukraine, the reform of the Security Service of Ukraine, or SBU, has recently passed the first reading in the parliament and awaits amending before the second reading to comply with the Euro-Atlantic standards. We hope this convocation of the parliament – both the majority and the opposition – will be wise enough to unite around this long-awaited reform and will complete it fully and properly.
At this historic moment, the US can help Ukraine to get closer to NATO. The U.S. representative could submit a bipartisan Resolution for NATO Enlargement for Ukraine and Georgia and initiate congressional committee hearings on this issue. In addition, it would be beneficial to all of us to have a representative of the Biden administration appointed as a special Coordinator for NATO Enlargement for Ukraine and Georgia. This could follow the positive experience of Ambassador Daniel Fried, who had crafted the policy of NATO Enlargement for the Central European states.
In general, all speakers of the “NATO-Ukraine: Vision 2030” were optimistic about Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic prospects.
Connolly hopes that soon Ukraine will be on a threshold of NATO membership.
Michel-Kleisbauer, the French MP, claimed Ukraine’s destiny is with NATO, and we cannot agree more.
2021 could give us the second strategic opportune moment after NATO enlargement with Baltic states to reshape the post-Soviet space and diminish Russia’s appetite for dominating in the region. We have to use it wisely and strategically.
Hanna Hopko was chairwoman of the Verkhovna Rada’s Foreign Affairs Committee from 2014-2019 and is head of the ANTS network. Olena Halushka is a board member at the Anti-Corruption Action Center in Kyiv.
