Despite very different circumstances, in one sense
there is a similarity between the Maidan events and the anti-coup outpourings
of the Turkish people. They are both reactions by the masses against something
they know is very wrong. When normal functioning of state is hampered or
abused, the masses show that they have the first and the last say.
Ukrainians are in a better position than most our friends in the West to
empathize with the Turkish masses. Around a hundred people were killed by
illegal/illegitimate use of weapons, mostly by snipers, during the Maidan
events. With reminiscent notoriety, around 250 people, most of them civilians
including children and women, were killed in Turkey on 15-16 July by snipers,
fighter jets and tanks. An assault team was sent to capture or kill the
President. The Parliament was bombed while in special emergency session. Why
those people who died resisting the coup were instantaneously called “martyrs
for democracy” was so understandable; we watched it all live on TV.
Many foreign politicians, observers and friends of Turkey stood on the
right side of history and, without undue ifs and buts, expressed outrage and
supported the people’s resistance which reflected an exceptional consensus
across Turkish civil society, media, political parties in addition to the
Government and President. President Poroshenko conveyed his principled support
on the side of Turkish democracy in the early hours of the coup attempt. It is
highly appreciated. As a Turkish saying goes: the true friend is the one who is
by you in the darkest of days.
The challenge for Turkey now is to address the aftermath in good
democratic fashion, within the rule of law. One of the pillars of the evident
national consensus is this very idea. Yet, extraordinary circumstances require
extraordinary measures. The resultant state of emergency, also introduced in
France, Belgium and Germany for obvious reasons, is not an ideal situation and
the Turkish Government stated its willingness to lift it earlier than three
months, if no need for it is left. The Government also made it clear the
measures will be implemented exclusively against the group behind the coup
attempt. The opposition, while sharing the national mood, is watchful. As
Ukrainians will easily understand, the Turkish society demands that those
responsible for killing the “martyrs for democracy” are brought to justice
without delay, whomever they may be.
The secretive and subversive structure that, given all the strong
evidence, is believed to be behind the coup attempt has much to answer for.
FETÖ, the Turkish acronym used for this self-styled religious cult with
now-apparent violent methods, attempted to introduce an alternative,
non-secular authority in place of the one which the democratic process
produces. They even set up systems of cheating so that their infiltrators could
override the merit-based entry exams into public service such as the military
schools and police academy and even the Foreign Ministry. The attempted coup
emerged, rather hastily it seems, when investigations of the last two years
were approaching their logical end result. These pointed at an illegal but
rather sophisticated effort aimed at creating a parallel state apparatus with
allegiance to a cleric living abroad.
Testimonies and material evidence, corroborated by earlier investigations,
suggest that their cells in key state institutions were activated as part of
the coup attempt. My only explanation as to how they could even hope to be
successful is their obvious detachment from societal realities in Turkey.
Today’s broader reality is that Turkey will overcome this and we have many
reasons to believe it will be a stronger Turkey, democratically and otherwise.
Still, there is no place for complacency. The network’s organizational
capacity and vast resources, including the supposedly benevolent activities in
150 countries (Ukraine included) they often boast about, may partly explain the
international media campaign launched against Turkey since the coup attempt.
Those who are uncritically dismissive of the serious accusations against this
group, as many of us were admittedly in Turkey, are well advised to have
another look at the facts.
Certainly, the proper judicial process will reveal the truth, not the
popular mood. One hopes that not all those who are now detained or arrested
will be found guilty. But first of all that process needs to be allowed to take
its course in Turkey, preferably without outsiders rushing to statements
assuming a failure of due process before it is even given a chance. It will be
legitimate to criticize any and all shortcomings should they emerge. Yet, it is
very unfair to Turkish society with all its political diversity to think that
this cultish group formed the opposition in Turkey and that they are being
crushed simply because of that.
Perhaps we, Turks, need to do a better job of informing foreign
audiences more effectively. But there is also much room for improvement in the
way some in the West have analyzed the situation and how some officials tried
to manage the turn of events in terms of relations with Turkey.
Unfortunately like much of the rest of the world, Europe too has not
been at its best in recent years; and I do not just mean the economic/financial
problems or Brexit. Europe’s societal problems, be it re-emergent xenophobia,
islamophobia, racism or the rise of extremism on the right, are not conducive
to the normal dialogue we have normally had with the EU. Obviously both sides
should self-critically appraise the situation with a view to normalizing their
interaction which promises to be mutually rewarding.
To be sure, Turkey is not asking for preferential treatment. Some more
solidarity and empathy, more constructive statements would suffice at this
critical juncture. That would mean giving support to the whole Turkish nation and
the democratic process which the EU has helped to develop. Meanwhile, in the sense
of demonstrating sensible empathy, Ukrainians are already ahead of many in
Europe.
Yönet C. Tezel is Turkey’s ambassador to Ukraine.
